Highly esteemed participants in the Meeting on Globalization and Development;
Distinguished guests:
We have gathered here for a respectful debate and to listen to
different points of view. We have been honored by the presence of eminent and perceptive
thinkers, But, we cannot complain. We have been given the privilege of living in
what I would dare to call the most extraordinary and decisive era in all of human history.
Just as U.S. professor Edmund Phelps of Columbia University said, when someone touched on
an issue that departed from the economic theme he was addressing, "That is not my
topic as well as representatives of international organizations, who were kind
enough to accept the invitation extended to them, despite knowing that the majority of
people attending this event have opinions that diverge considerably from the policies
followed by the institutions they represent. Hospitality and respect for those who hold
different opinions have become a tradition at these meetings. What worth would our
analyses have if the ideas expressed were not matched up against other diametrically
opposed ideas valiantly maintained by those who uphold another view of the world?
Those of us who are not academics also need a dose of courage.
Even when we strive to be as well informed as possible about what is happening in the
world, sometimes we simply do not have the time needed to satisfy our desire to learn
about the growing number of facts and opinions regarding the unique historical process we
are living through and to try to predict the uncertain future lying ahead of us.," I
should say in advance that my topic today is not economics. My topic today is politics.
Although there is no such thing as economics without politics, or politics without
economics.
Everything that has ever existed or exists today has been
imposed on humanity. From the natural laws that caused the human race to evolve to the
category of rational beings, to ethnic origin and skin color; from groups of individuals
who wandered through the forests gathering fruits and roots, hunting or fishing, to the
capitalist consumer societies with which a group of wealthy nations are bleeding the Earth
dry today.
Developed capitalism, modern imperialism and neoliberal
globalization, as systems of world exploitation, have been imposed on the world, as has
the basic lack of the principles of justice demanded for centuries by thinkers and
philosophers for all human beings, yet still very far from being a reality on Earth. Not
even those who liberated the 13 British colonies of North America in 1776, proclaiming as
"self-evident truths" that all men are created equal, and that they are endowed
by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, such as life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness, were capable of freeing the slaves. Instead, this monstrous institution was
maintained for almost an entire century, until it became so anachronistic and
unsustainable that a cruel and bloody war replaced it with other more subtle and modern,
if not much less cruel, forms of exploitation and racial discrimination. The same could be
said for those who waged the French Revolution in 1789 proclaiming liberty, equality and
fraternity, yet were not capable of recognizing the freedom of their slaves in Haiti and
the independence of that lucrative overseas colony. Instead, they sent 30,000 soldiers to
suppress them, in a futile attempt to bring them back to submission. Despite the desires
or intentions of the men of the Enlightenment, what was really commencing was a colonial
era that extended to Africa, Oceania and almost all of Asia for centuries,
including large countries like Indonesia, India and China.
The doors to trade with Japan were blasted open with bombs, in
the same way that today, even after a war that cost 50 million deaths in the name of
democracy, independence and the freedom of the peoples, the doors are being blasted open
for the WTO and the Multilateral Investments Agreement, for the control of the
worlds financial resources, the privatization of state companies in developing
nations, a monopoly on patents and technology, and the attempt to demand the payment of
debts totaling trillions of dollars, impossible to collect for the creditors and
impossible to pay for the debtors, who grow increasingly poor, hungry and distanced from
the living standards attained by those who were their colonial powers for centuries and
who sold their sons and daughters as slaves or exploited them to the point of death, as
they did with the native peoples of this hemisphere.
It cannot be said that in the second half of the 20th century,
the world was divided up again like it was in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The
world today can no longer be divided up, because it is the almost exclusive possession of
the nation that emerged at the end of this turbulent history as the sole superpower and
the most powerful empire to ever exist. It is enough to observe how almost all of the
worlds capitals tremble before the last word or the last statement has been
pronounced or is about to be pronounced in Washington. If there were ever any illusion
that the United Nations existed, it was practically dissolved by imperial decree after
that fateful day of September 11, barely 17 months ago, and entirely replaced by the
fiercest unilateralism ever seen.
Throughout the last few days, as I listened to our
distinguished participants and guests wield their well-sharpened arguments on issues like
the world economic crisis and especially the situation in Latin America, the FTAA, the
obstacles to the development of the poor countries in the world today, the role of social
policies, and real facts, often in great detail, that such issues bring up on the causes
of so many and such profound tragedies; when I heard that the GDP rose or fell, that
sustained growth took place and then stopped, that an increase in exports is the only way
to reduce the deficit, restore balance, create jobs, reduce poverty, boost development,
fulfill obligations; and then other times, when it was said that privatization can be very
useful, build confidence, attract investment at any cost, foster competitiveness, etc.,
etc., I could not help but admire the persistence with which, for half a century now, they
have been recommending the way to leave underdevelopment and poverty behind.
I said earlier that all opinions deserve to be respected. But
so must be the many questions and doubts that spring to our minds. What kind of idyllic
world are we living in? Where are the minimum conditions of equality that could make
possible the solutions we are taught in schools of economics for the development of the
Third World countries? Is there even really any such thing as free competition, equal
availability of resources, or free access to relevant technologies, monopolized by those
who possess not only the fruits of their own talent, but also the talent of others,
plucked from the least developed countries without paying so much as a cent to
those who used their meager resources to train them?
In whose hands and under whose control are the international
financial institutions and the enormous surplus of funds? Who owns the big banks? Where,
how and by whom are huge sums of money laundered and deposited, money derived from
financial speculation, tax evasion, large-scale drug trafficking and the fruits of massive
embezzlement? Where are the funds of Mobutu and of dozens of other major embezzlers of
public wealth, who handed over the resources and the sovereignty of their countries to
foreign capital, with the blessing of their Western tutors? Where are the hundreds of
billions of dollars that vanished from the former USSR and from Russia and how did that
happen while the advisors, experts, specialists and ideologues from Europe and the United
States were guiding it along the brilliant and blessed road to capitalism, where a plague
of vultures swooped down from every side to take control of most of the countrys
natural and economic resources? Who can be held morally accountable for the fact that
today its population is decreasing and its health indicators -including infant and
maternal mortality- have worsened, while many of its people, including old men and women
who fought against fascism, are suffering hunger and extreme poverty, which afflict
millions?
Who is destroying the national culture of other peoples through
a monopoly on the mass media and spreading the poison of consumerism to every corner of
the Earth? How can we view the expenditure of a trillion dollars on commercial advertising
every year, when that money could be used to remedy the lack of education, health care,
drinking water and housing, the unemployment, hunger and malnutrition, that afflict
billions of people around the world? Is this simply an economic issue, and not political
and ethical?
Neoliberal globalization constitutes the most blatant
recolonization of the Third World. The FTAA, as has already been reiterated here, is the
annexation of Latin America to the United States; a spurious union of unequal parties, in
which the strongest will swallow up the weakest, including Canada, Mexico and Brazil. It
is an immoral agreement that will bring free movement for capital and commodities but
death for the "barbarians" who try to cross the boundaries of the empire through
the slaughterhouse that the border between Mexico and the United States has become. For
them there is no Adjustment Act that grants the automatic right to residence and
employment -no matter what violations and crimes they may have committed- and which was
created to destabilize Cuba as punishment for the revolutionary changes that took place in
our country.
I must state resolutely and with no hesitation whatsoever, as a
revolutionary and a fighter who truly believes that a better world is possible, that in my
opinion, the privatization of the wealth and natural resources of a country in exchange
for foreign investment constitutes a major crime. It is tantamount to handing over
cheaply, practically for free, all of the means of survival of the peoples in the Third
World. And it will lead to a new form of recolonization, more convenient and self-serving,
in which the natives will now cover the costs for public order and other essentials, which
formerly corresponded to the colonial powers.
In its relations with foreign capital, Cuba uses mutually
beneficial and carefully considered forms of cooperation that do not impinge on the
countrys sovereignty or place the control of national wealth and the countrys
political, economic and cultural life at the mercy of any foreign capital or power.
As a rule, we do not give anything away for free, and when
facing the dilemma of paying a price, we render unto Caesar the things that are
Caesars and unto the people the things that are the peoples. Make no mistake
about it: we are a socialist country and we will continue to be socialists. And in spite
of the colossal obstacles, we are building a new and more humane society, with more
experience, enthusiasm, energy and dreams than ever. The U.S. dollar circulates, and the
euro is beginning to circulate, and they may be followed by other currencies to facilitate
tourism, but the currencies that fundamentally circulate are the regular Cuban peso and
the convertible Cuban peso. The monetary situation is under control. The value of our
national currency remained stable throughout the entire year of 2002, something almost
unheard of in other countries, and there is no flight of hard currency.
Among the immense problems weighing down on this hemisphere -as
is all too well known- is the colossal external debt. Payment on the capital and interest
of this debt sometimes absorbs up to 50% of national budgets, which has an extreme impact
on the services essential to any country: health care, education and social security.
The enormous interest that governments are forced to pay on
deposits in the banks, so as to precariously defend themselves from speculative attacks
and capital flight, make it absolutely impossible for them to achieve any amount of
development with the countrys own funds.
The free exchange of currencies imposed by the new economic
order constitutes a lethal instrument for the weak economies of countries striving to
develop. It has been a long time since money was worth anything in itself, like it was in
times past, something that could be saved and buried in an urn, like pieces of gold or
silver.
At Bretton Woods -as all economists know -the United States,
which possessed 80% of the worlds gold reserves, was accorded the privilege of
issuing the worldwide reserve currency. But back then, for each banknote issued, it
contracted an obligation to convert its value to gold. This obligation was fulfilled,
guaranteeing the value of the paper currency through a simple procedure applied by the
countrys government, that of buying or selling gold in the necessary amounts when
there was a surplus or deficit on the market. This formula was in place until 1971, when
U.S. President Richard Nixon, after huge military expenditures and a war without taxes,
adopted the unilateral decision to take the U.S. dollar off the gold standard.
Nobody could have imagined the colossal speculation that would
subsequently be unleashed in the buying and selling of currencies. Today those
transactions have reached astronomical levels, totaling over a trillion dollars a day.
Because of the credibility it had accumulated, the habit of
using it as an instrument of exchange accepted by all, the enormous economic power of the
country that issues it, and the lack of another instrument, the U.S. dollar continued to
play its role.
Such a privilege was not and could not be enjoyed by the
countries of Latin America and the rest of the Third World. Our currencies are simply
pieces of paper in the international market. Their value is limited to the amount of the
countrys reserves in hard currency, fundamentally U.S. dollars. No national currency
in the countries of Latin American and the Caribbean is or can be stable. The real value
of a currency may be equivalent to 100 today, and in a matter of months, weeks or days,
depending on external or internal factors, it could be worth 50%, 40% or even 10% of its
former value. What happened in Argentina with the idyllic, utopian and folkloric attempt
to maintain parity between the peso and the dollar ultimately ended, as was only logical,
in disaster. Something similar happened with the real and the dollar. Countries
like Ecuador ended up throwing their own currency onto the trash heap, directly adopting
the U.S. dollar as the only currency in domestic circulation.
In Mexico, as a rule, every six years the change in government
led to a heavy devaluation that considerably lessened the value of their currency. Brazil,
as a result of the last speculative attack and the crisis of 1998, lost in barely eight
weeks the almost 40 billion dollars it had acquired through the privatization of many of
its best production and services companies.
Capital flight is one of the worst forms of economic bleeding
suffered by the countries of Latin America in recent decades. It is not a matter of
transfers of profits earned by foreign investors; it is not a matter of the plunder
entailed by the payment of foreign debts that were often contracted by dictatorial and
corrupt regimes that squandered and embezzled the countries funds, or used them to
cover private debts or theft and shady dealings in private banks; nor is it a matter of
the growing losses caused by the well-known phenomenon of unequal exchange. Rather, it is
a matter of funds created within the country, surplus value earned off the backs of poorly
paid workers, or the honest savings of intellectual workers and professionals, or the
profits of small industries, businesses and services.
The asphyxiating yoke that binds the Latin American countries
to capital flight is the free purchase, with no restrictions or requirements whatsoever,
of hard currency with national currency, a formula imposed as a sacred neoliberal
principle by the international financial organizations. It is estimated that this flight
of capital, in some countries like Venezuela, throughout a period of more than 40 years,
has totaled approximately 250 billion dollars. Add to this figure the national funds that
have escaped from Argentina, Brazil, Mexico and the rest of Latin America.
Glory to the brave Venezuelan people and its valiant leader
that have just established control over the exchange rate, thus putting and end in that
country to the tragedy I have just described!
I recall that at the time of the triumph of the Cuban
Revolution, in 1959, the entire combined debt of Latin America was only five billion
dollars. Its population at the time, 214.4 million, has increased to 543.4 million
inhabitants -of whom 224 million are poor and over 50 million are illiterate- while its
total combined debt is no less than 800 billion dollars in 2003.
Why has this region of the hemisphere not achieved the post-war
development seen in countries like Canada, New Zealand, and Australia, which were once
European colonies, less wealthy and developed than us? Is it perhaps due in part to the
doubtful privilege of being the backyard of the United States? Or could it be because we
are a contemptible bunch of whites, blacks, Indians and half-breeds, and thus the negation
of what the studies of the human genome and scientific research have demonstrated: that
there are no differences in intellectual capacity among the different ethnic groups that
make up the human species? Where does the fault lie?
I began by saying that everything that has ever existed or
exists today has been imposed on humanity. I fully agree with Karl Marx, who said that
when the capitalist system of production and distribution no longer exists, and the
exploitation of man-by-man disappears along with it, this would mark the end of the
prehistory of the human race. He based his reasoning on the dialectical development of the
history of our species.
This way of thinking may seem overly simple and outdated to
many. Marx studied the first stage of capitalism, an era that coincided with the birth of
a new class, destined to transform that society, which inevitably became exploitative and
ruthless, and to open the way to a new era and a more just world. When he put forth these
views, there was still no such thing as electricity, telephones, internal combustion
engines, modern ships that travel at high speed and carry huge cargoes, modern chemistry,
synthetic products, airplanes that cross the Atlantic with hundreds of passengers in a
matter of hours, radio, television, computers. He was spared from the horrifying vision of
the irresponsible way in which modern technology has been used by man to destroy the
forests, erode the earth, turn hundreds of millions of hectares of fertile soil into
deserts, overexploit and pollute the seas, eliminate entire species of plants and animals,
and poison the water we drink and the air we breathe.
Marx, who developed his theory in England, the most developed
country of the time, did not state the need for a worker-peasant alliance, nor could he
have possibly perceived the colossal problem that would arise from the colonial world of
that time. This was something that Lenin, his brilliant disciple, following the line of
his thinking in the special circumstances of Imperial Russia, would discover and elaborate
later.
In the times of Marx, who witnessed the accelerated development
of the English industrial revolution and the nascent industrialization of Germany and
France, no one would have been able to predict, unless he were clairvoyant, something so
alien to his character, the role that the United States of America would come to play
barely 60 years after his death.
While Malthus sowed pessimism, Marx inspired hope.
In those days, the geography of the planet and the laws that
govern the biosphere - the land, forest, seas and air - were little known. Very little was
known about outer space. The theory of relativity did not exist, nor had a single word
been written about the big bang.
For the first time in human history, our species is facing a
real threat of extinction. It is endangered not only by the destruction of its natural
habitat, but also by grave political threats, increasingly sophisticated weapons of Marx
could not have imagined that cell phones would allow people to communicate from one end of
the earth to another at the speed of light, that trillions of dollars in stocks,
currencies, hedge operations, commodities that do not move from where they are and other
securities would change hands every day, and that the profits from speculation would
outweigh surplus value.
Marx believed above all in the development of productive forces
and the infinite possibilities of science and human talent. He believed that a fully
developed world was an essential condition for the existence of a social system capable of
producing the goods needed to fully satisfy the material and spiritual needs of society.
He did not envision a Revolution in a single country, and he saw so far into the future
that he was able to come up with the idea of a globalized world, such as I have always
understood it, a world joined together in peace and in access to the full enjoyment of the
wealth it can create. He could not have even conceived of the idea of a world divided
between rich and poor. "Workers of the world, unite!" he proclaimed, and in the
real world today, this could be interpreted as a call for unity among all of the manual
and intellectual workers, the peasants and the poor in every mass destruction and
extermination, and extremist doctrines backed by lethal and annihilating force.
These are not days of hope and glory for peace in the world. A
war is on the verge of breaking out. This would not be a confrontation between comparable
forces. On the one side, there would be the hegemonic superpower, with all of its
overwhelming military might and technology, backed by its main ally, another country with
nuclear capability and a member of the United Nations Security Council. On the other side,
a country whose people have suffered more than ten years of daily bombings and the loss of
hundreds of thousands of lives, mainly children, through hunger and disease, following an
unequal war provoked by Iraqs illegal occupation of Kuwait, which was an independent
state recognized by the international community.
The vast majority of worldwide public opinion is unanimously
opposed to a new war. Above all, they are opposed to the adoption of a unilateral decision
by the United States government in complete disregard for international rules and the
power and authority of the United Nations, as limited as they already are. This is an
unnecessary war, under pretexts that are neither credible nor proven.
Completely debilitated by the last war against the United
States in 1991, Iraq -which was backed and armed to a considerable extent by the West
during its war with Iran- completely lacks the capacity to counteract the offensive and
defensive weaponry wielded by the United States. The United States, on the other hand, is
fully capable of wiping out any risk of the use by Iraq of nuclear, chemical or biological
weapons, if Iraq does in fact possess any such weapons; this is in itself highly unlikely,
and even if it did, any attempt to use them would be politically absurd and militarily
suicidal.
The real danger lies in the fact that such an armed attack
would become a patriotic war for the Iraqi people, and no one can gauge in advance their
response and resistance, how long this war could last, how many deaths and how much
destruction it could cause, and what the human, political and economic consequences would
be for each of the adversaries.
The world would doubtlessly be subjected to enormous economic
risks, in the midst of the profound crisis it is already facing today. No one can predict
what would happen with oil prices under these circumstances.
On January 28, when I spoke on the occasion of the 150th
anniversary of Jose Martis birth, I quoted and analyzed a number of speeches made by
the president of the United States. I will now quote just a few lines, which speak
for themselves:
"We will use every necessary weapon of war."
"Every nation, in every region, now has a decision to
make. Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists."
"This is civilizations fight."
"The great achievement of our time, and the great hope of
every time - now depends on us."
"And we know that God is not neutral."
(September 20, 2001)
"Our security will require transforming the military you
will lead-a military that must be ready to strike at a moments notice in any dark
corner of the world (...) ready for preemptive action (...)"
"We must uncover terror cells in 60 or more
countries."
"We are in a conflict between good and evil."
(Speech made on June 1, 2002, on the 200th anniversary of the
West Point Military Academy)
"The United States will ask the UN Security Council to
convene on February 5, to consider the facts of Iraqs ongoing defiance of the
world."
"We will consult, but let there be no misunderstanding. If
Saddam Hussein does not fully disarm, for the safety of our people and for the peace of
the world, we will lead a coalition to disarm him."
"And if war is forced upon us, we will fight with the full
force and might of the United States Army."
(Address to Congress, February 5, 2003)
Although President Bush states his conviction that God is not
neutral, the fact is that Pope John Paul II and almost all of the worlds religious
leaders oppose this war. Who can actually interpret the Lords designs?
Two days ago we were discussing the future of humanity here.
Some wondered what would come after globalization, whether the current world economic
order would be long or short-lived, how long the new imperial system would last. I will
try, at great risk, to improvise an answer to these questions, on which I have meditated
more than once.
I base myself on some personal convictions in which I firmly
believe. Men do not make history. Subjective factors can accelerate or delay major events,
even for relatively long periods, but they are not a decisive factor, nor can they prevent
the final outcome. Extremely serious accidents of human or natural origin, a nuclear war,
the accelerated destruction of the environment and a relatively abrupt change in the
climate can alter all estimates and forecasts made by the most visionary talents of our
species. All of these things could still be avoided.
Objectives factors derived from the very process of development
of human society are the decisive factors.
Economy is not a natural science, it is not and cannot be
exact; it is a social science. Concepts and ideas, trends and laws that have emerged at a
given time in a specific social and economic system tend to endure, even when these
systems may be reaching their final stages or have even disappeared. This often prevents a
correct interpretation of events. The huge diversity of views and theories we hear at
social science meetings or gatherings bear witness to this. The huge mistakes made in any
profound revolutionary process are another good example.
Politics, I would say, is a combination of both science and
art, although it is more art than science.
We cannot forget that in both cases, responsibility lies with
human beings, and they are as varied and variable as the particles contained in their
genetic makeup.
There is a lesson we can draw from history on which I usually
insist. Great solutions can only come out of great crises. I think that there are very few
exceptions to this rule.
Today we are facing a great general crisis, both economic and
political. It may be the first fully global crisis.
The prevailing economic order is unsustainable and unbearable.
There is no possible solution without major and radical changes. It is not necessary to
provide abundant data that has been repeated here and elsewhere to understand the reality.
Examples of local, regional and hemispheric crises that are repeated with increasing
frequency demonstrate this. No country, rich or poor, is spared from these crises. Many
political parties are totally discredited. The people are increasingly ungovernable.
International financial bodies and related institutions like the WTO, or groups of super
wealthy countries like the Group of 7, can no longer find a place to meet. Social
movements and organizations affected by or sensitive to the tragedy the world is living
through are growing in number everywhere. Modern technology has made it possible to spread
messages without help from the traditional media.
Despite the fact that 800 million people are still illiterate,
billions of people have access to a certain amount of information, through one means or
another, and they suffer on a daily basis from the scourges of unemployment, poverty, the
shortage of land, poor health, insecurity; the lack of schools, housing, minimum hygienic
conditions, self-esteem and social status. Even consumerist commercial advertising itself
heightens their awareness of their own unmet needs and hopelessness.
There is no way to continue this systematic deception. They
cannot all be killed off. There are already over 6.2 billion inhabitants on the planet,
whose population has increased fourfold in just one century. The ranks of the discontent
in the Third World are joined by millions of educated workers and men and women from the
professional sectors and middle classes of the developed countries, who are increasingly
concerned about their own future and that of their children, as they witness the poisoning
of the air, the water, the soil and the plants, and the disappearance of everything
beautiful around them, a consequence of the irresponsible and anarchic use of natural
resources. The continued existence of human beings in any part of the world is
increasingly becoming a fight for survival.
That there is no alternative for humanity but to change its
course is something that no one can deny. How will it change? What new forms of political,
economic and social life will be adopted? That is the most difficult question to answer,
and it leads me to the final idea I want to express.
In this case, the subjective factor will play a more important
role than ever, and for that reason, it must be informed and encouraged to think.
Spreading information, fostering debate and building awareness will be the responsibility
of the most advanced. The World Social Forum in Porto Alegre was an encouraging example of
the new methods of struggle. The 100,000 people who gathered there to reflect and discuss
have presented a vision of the forces that are emerging and will push forward the changes
that are objectively imposed on the world.
In Cuba, we call this struggle the Battle of Ideas. We have
been fully engaged in this battle for three years and two months now. More than a hundred
social programs have emerged from it, the majority of them devoted to education, culture,
the spreading of knowledge, a revolution in the school systems, the dissemination of
information on a wide range of political and economic topics, social work,
increased opportunities for higher studies, and the in-depth exploration of our most
pressing social problems, and their causes and solutions. Our goal is for the entire
population to achieve a high degree of comprehensive general knowledge and culture,
without which even people with a university degree could be considered functionally
illiterate.
Our plans are ambitious, but we are truly encouraged by the
results we have obtained so far.
Despite the fact that the world is living through a major
economic crisis, our country has managed to reduce unemployment to 3.3%. We hope to reduce
it to less than 3% by the end of the year, which would give us the status of a country
with full employment.
Perhaps the most useful contribution to the struggle for a
better world that we can make through our modest efforts will be to demonstrate how much
can be done with so little, if all of the human and material resources of a society are
put at the service of the people.
Nature cannot be destroyed, and the rotten and wasteful
consumer societies cannot prevail. There is a field where the production of wealth can be
infinite: the field of knowledge, of culture and art in all its manifestations, including
a painstaking ethical, esthetic and solidarity-based education, a full
spiritual life, socially sound, mentally and physically healthy, without which it would be
impossible to talk about quality of life.
Can anything stop us from achieving such goals?
We want to prove what we all proclaim: that a better world is
possible!
The time has come for humanity to start writing its own
history!
Thank you very much.